The bloody banana’s rule of the world

by Katharine Mieszkowski

(Salon)On a trip to Honduras, journalist Dan Koeppel caught the banana bug. Researching an article

for Popular Science about attempts to breed a disease-resistant banana,

the American journalist wandered the grounds of the old Chiquita

compound, amid the fading colonial mansions and golf course, where he

stumbled upon the cheery yellow fruit’s unsavory past.

I went out for drinks at the old country club, and this old-timer

turns to me and goes, ‘In this room, governments were overthrown.’ It

was like something out of a movie, Koeppel says.

Flipping through an old Chiquita guest book, Koeppel saw the

scrawled names of United States senators, scientists, CIA agents and

Honduran presidents. Everybody was in there, he says. Browsing

through the research facility’s library, the journalist paged through a

chipper recipe book featuring the Chiquita banana girl, who was shown

topless, as she always was, giving instructions on how to prepare such

delicacies as banana coconut rolls. I found these strange Chiquita

cookbooks a hundred yards away from where massacres were planned, he

says.

For generations, the banana has been embraced and celebrated in pop

culture: Yes, we have no bananas. We have no bananas today! But it

took muscle and outright carnage to turn this fragile tropical treat

into the most popular fruit in the United States. The banana is the

yin and yang of American culture and blood, Koeppel says. The fruit

became his obsession and the subject of his book, Banana: The Fate of the Fruit That Changed the World.

Surprisingly, Koeppel isn’t the only journalist of late to light out

to the tropics and come back with tales of the banana’s bloody role in

history. For Peter Chapman, a Financial Times reporter, who spent years

covering Latin America, the great banana company, United Fruit, which

later became Chiquita, prefigured the rise of the modern multinational

corporation. It’s interesting, isn’t it, that something we would

imagine as innocuous as bananas has produced as many exercises in

regime change as has ever been enacted in the name of oil, says

Chapman, whose book is called Bananas: How the United Fruit Company Shaped the World.

The banana we eat today may be natural in the sense that it grows on

a plant, but it’s as much a mass-market product as a Big Mac, designed

to be cheap, sweet and reliable. Yet the human affinity for bananas

goes back 7,000 years, long before pesticides, refrigerated shipping,

transportation networks and branding, like the Dole sticker on the peel

of the supermarket variety.

It shocked me to see that the history of this fruit goes hand in

hand with the history of humanity, says Koeppel. Wherever people

went, the banana accompanied them. Some biblical scholars argue that

the fruit Eve tasted in the Garden of Eden was not an apple, but the

much more suggestively shaped banana.

The mass-produced banana first came to the United States in the 19th

century. As the next century rolled on, buccaneering banana men

pioneered such innovative business practices as propping up puppet

heads of states throughout Latin America, keeping them in power through

corporate largesse, and exploiting local workers, when not actually

encouraging local governments to enslave or kill them. By building

railroads, in exchange for land for plantations, United Fruit tightly

entwined itself with the economies of many countries, and came to own

huge swaths of Central America. Its reach was so extensive that it

became known as the Octopus.

When local leaders threatened taxes or complained about the

company’s abysmal labor practices, such as paying workers exclusively

in company scrip to be spent only at the company store, United Fruit

threatened to leave the country, taking its business next door. Mere

bribes to local officials were strictly junior varsity in this jungle.

In some countries, United Fruit blatantly paid no taxes at all for

decades. In others, when troubled by local officials, it simply

installed a more sympathetic government. In Honduras in 1911, the

banana men not only staged an invasion to depose the current regime and

put in a new one, they had the audacity to demand the new government

reimburse the costs incurred in the invasion!

United Fruit was not to be crossed. In Colombia in 1928, 32,000

banana workers went on strike, demanding such niceties as toilet

facilities at plantations. In a massacre later immortalized in

literature by Gabriel Garc韆 M醨quez in One Hundred Years of

Solitude, the military killed 1,000 unarmed striking workers and their

families in the town square in Cienaga after Sunday church services.

The banana men, however, saw themselves not as ruthless corporate

overlords but as a force for all that’s good in civilization. In 1912,

in Guatemala, while clearing the jungle for banana plantations, the

company uncovered the Mayan ruins of Quirigu? and paid for

archaeologists to restore it, welcoming comparisons between the great

lost civilization of the Mayans and the new one the company was

building in the jungle.

They thought they were bringing back the era of the Mayans,

returning Central America from the savages back to its glory days of

empire, says Koeppel. The company used that notion to buff its image

at home and abroad. As Chapman explains, the companies knew how to use

such methods to ingratiate themselves into the minds of ordinary

people, and come across appearing on the side of light and justice.

Today, when the business buzzword corporate social responsibility

is so commonplace that it has its own acronym, CSR, it’s sobering to

remember that the banana czars themselves invented the term. Now, we

are expected to entrust our futures to the free market and

better-behaved companies as a result of this new doctrine of ‘corporate

social responsibility,’ says Chapman. But it does make you wonder,

given the very inventor of the concept represented itself as a paragon

of virtue, which didn’t stop it from committing all manner of abuses.

It may seem hard to believe that the banana business could be as

nefarious as the oil business. But to our banana chroniclers, it may

have been worse. The banana men managed to be at once ferociously

exploitative, while cultivating a beloved image with their customers,

pioneering public relations and marketing practices still in use today.

Nobody has ever loved the oil companies, says Koeppel. Everyone

has needed them, and they have a bloody history, but no one has ever

said, ‘Gee whiz! Those guys at Shell have such a cute little jingle.’

But when it comes to bananas, the 1944 Chiquita song is arguably the

best-known jingle ever: I’m Chiquita banana and I’ve come to say?quot;

But the banana men’s mastery of spin didn’t stop at catchy jingles.

In the 1950s, President Jacobo Arbenz of Guatemala tried to force

United Fruit to sell its fallow land back to the government. The

president planned to redistribute it to landless peasants. To incensed

banana leaders, this was an act of sovereign defiance.

One United Fruit P.R. man wrote a report, which he sent to 800

influential conservative Americans, sounding the alarm about communism

gaining a foothold in Latin America via Guatemala. The company employed

no lesser force than the father of public relations himself, Edward Bernays.

Promptly, Bernays flew journalists to Guatemala on luxury

fact-finding missions, which resulted in dozens of articles published

in Time, Newsweek, the San Francisco Chronicle and the New York Times,

portraying the Guatemalan leader as a dangerous threat.

Bernays called the stories masterpieces of objective reporting,

and went so far as to suggest that somewhere behind the Iron Curtain,

Russia was training revolutionaries to take over Latin America. In case

anyone missed the point, United Fruit’s P.R. team put out a movie

titled, Why the Kremlin Hates Bananas. It wasn’t long before the

Guatemalan president, who had dared to defy United Fruit, was ousted

with the help of the CIA. He ended up stripped down to his underwear,

paraded before the press in the airport, and sent into exile, never to

return again.

Today’s banana companies don’t have anywhere near the power in

Central America that they once did. That’s in part because they don’t

have to. They’ve discovered the joy of outsourcing. After all, why deal

with those pesky labor problems when you can have local producers

assume all the inherent risks of growing an agricultural commodity?

What the banana men figured out, Chapman explains, is that we don’t

have to own the land, we can give it to the local guy who wants to run

his own plantation. We still have our railway, shipping line and

sophisticated access to marketing. We don’t have to be involved at the

ground level with all the expense and aggravation, and all the

headaches that go with it. Chiquita is now mostly a distribution and

marketing concern.

But the legacy of their bad old days lives on. You can’t blame

United Fruit for everything that’s wrong in Central American politics,

says Chapman. Yet in many cases, by propping up weak governments, it

helped create a power vacuum that’s been filled by right-wing death

squads and left-wing guerrillas. In Guatemala’s decades-long civil war,

more than 200,000 people have died. When some moderate leaders have

advocated for a civilian government, they’ve been summarily executed.

I was with one such leader myself, says Chapman.

Even today, the taint of international scandal dogs the bananas in our supermarkets. In 2002, Human Rights Watch documented

banana workers in Ecuador suffering widespread human rights abuses,

including use of child laborers as young as 8 years old, and workers

being fired for trying to organize. In 2007, Chiquita was fined $25

million by the U.S. Department of Justice for making payments to

terrorist organizations in Colombia.

Both books also peel back the environmental fallout of bananas. The

authors suggest that the commonplace banana we eat today, a cultivar

called the Cavendish, will likely become the next victim of the same

Panama disease that drove its predecessor, the once ubiquitous Gros

Michel cultivar, to commercial extinction.

The race is on to build a better banana that can stand up to Panama

disease and shipping, ripen at the right rate once picked for the

grocery store customer, and still be cheaper than that locally grown

apple or pear. In a few decades, we could be eating cornflakes topped

with an entirely different variety of banana, a notion that’s certainly

more comforting than the idea that we might have to give up this cheap,

potassium-rich comfort food altogether.

In the meantime, the mass production of bananas for the world

marketplace threatens the local varieties that millions of people

around the globe depend on to keep starvation at bay. It’s a lot like

AIDS, which is believed to have spread through Africa along newly built

highways, says Koeppel. As more and more commercial plantations are

being built in Africa, the chances of cross-contamination increase. We

are creating the possible disease vector.

Scientists are trying to create a more disease-resistant banana

through cultivation and genetic engineering. But it’s not easy. The

banana, which is a giant berry plucked from the world’s largest herb,

is seedless, sexless and sterile. Because banana offspring are

genetically identical to their parents, it makes them all the more

vulnerable to disease.

Ultimately, banana fan Koeppel says he hopes learning more about

bananas won’t cause readers to turn away from them. What I don’t want

people to think is, ‘Oh my gosh, I should never eat a banana.’ I just

want people to think about this universal fruit in a real way.

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